Written by Thomas E. Brewton
Mass murder via abortion and lone-wolf mass killings with guns are both products of liberal-progressive hedonism.
Bill Ayers wrote in A Strategy To Win, appearing in New Left Notes of September 12, 1969: ...we’re also going to make it clear that when a pig gets iced that’s a good thing, and that everyone who considers himself a revolutionary should be armed, should own a gun, should have a gun in his house.
Self-centered mass slaughter of students in Newtown, Connecticut, as well as in movie theaters, shopping malls, and the work place, is a phenomenon unknown before the advent of student radicalism in the 1960s and 1970s. It is an outgrowth of the moral corruption inherent in liberal-progressivism and its vision of social justice.
The overriding characteristic of liberal-progressivism’s conception of social justice is that individuals should not be required to take responsibility for their actions; the socialized political state exists to tell citizens, in every detail, how they should live their lives. Comrades in such a society as it unfolds are not held responsible for anti-social or self-destructive actions. Indeed, in order to destroy Judeo-Christian morality and clear the way for implementation of full socialism, people are encouraged by government, Hollywood, TV, and the mainstream media to reject as oppressive earlier standards of morality and to indulge in unlimited degrees of hedonism.
Before the ascendancy of social justice, school text books extolled the ideals of courage, wisdom, honesty, loyalty, patriotism, hard work, and temperance. Students learned the primacy of self-denial and willingness to place the welfare of one’s family and political community above satisfaction of his own immediate pleasure. They learned the importance of working hard and saving for the future betterment of their families. Students expected to be judged by the quality of their individual work, which depended upon personal study, not upon membership in a protected social class.
Schools taught something called citizenship. Pupils were expected to attend classes regularly, to arrive on time, to be polite to teachers and to each other. They were expected to keep text books in good condition, to keep their desks and the school clean, without defacing either. They learned that failing to do these things was a crime against all those who would follow them in the school system. They learned that the future of America depended upon their willingness to think as much about the rights of others as about their own desires. They were taught to revere the United States, its flag, and the principles of individual liberty for which they stood.
Social justice, in contrast, is a remarkably undemanding religion. It requires nothing of the individual other than lip-service to currently-fashionable causes proclaimed by air-head Hollywood stars and rapsters. Baby-Boomers and their progeny aren’t required to study or to understand any of this. The media tell them what to believe. The collectivized state will provide their needs. Their only concern is to keep sex and drugs readily available.
Irresponsibility encouraged by the socialistic welfare-state is the precondition to horrors such as the Newtown massacre and to the murder of millions of babies every year in abortion labs.
Without moral codes, hedonism becomes the preferred life-style. Simply by denouncing those who disagree with social-justice dogma, today’s believer in social justice can look upon himself as a good person, while indulging in rampant casual sex, unfaithfulness to his spouse, and use of addictive drugs. Abortions take care of pregnancies that interfere with sexual promiscuity. The Baby Boomer can feel good about himself while indulging in frequent no-fault divorces, with his children in day-care or in his former spouse’s latest home, on the rationalization that a sensually-gratified parent is a happy parent, therefore a better companion for his children on the limited occasions when he sees them. The social-justice parent expects the collective “village” to take care of everything else, leaving the father and mother free to pursue “life styles.”
Belief that “it takes a village,” which is only a rationalization to evade personal responsibility, is the attitude that produces the illusion of more gun controls as an effective way to avoid repetition of Newtown.
Bill Clinton’s Baby Boomer generation became the first in history of whom a very large percentage attended college. For the first time, a very large percentage of the population was taught the secular religious doctrines of socialism and instructed that the Christian religion and the morality of their forefathers was unscientific value judgment. Many of them became the anarchist student radicals whose activities ranged from public demonstrations, to occupations of university buildings and destruction of computer centers, to underground organizations that murdered, bombed, and robbed in the name of solidarity with the Viet Cong. Today those student activists are disproportionately represented in politics, the media and the arts, the legal profession and the judiciary, and especially in the teaching profession. From these activists comes the virulent anti-Americanism that widely infects American colleges and universities today.
Prominent among the criminal underground activists were the Weatherman group, whose leaders— Bill Ayers and Bernadine Dohrn— by 2008 were what the mainstream media described as prominent educators. As noted in other chapters of this book, both Ayers and Dohrn were close associates and advisors of Barack Obama before his election to the presidency.
Reacting to the domestic political turmoil caused by the Great Society and escalation of the Vietnam War, liberal-progressive students went on rampages in college campuses across the country. Public and private property was destroyed with bombs, and more than a dozen people were murdered in cold blood by student radical groups like Weatherman. They proclaimed allegiance to our Vietnamese enemies and to what they called the Black Colony within the United States. Their slogan was, “Death to Amerika! Bring the war home, kill your parents, and ice the pigs!”
1960s student radicals now hold leadership positions in politics, the judiciary, the media, and, most dangerously, in education. With liberal propaganda flooding movies, TV, and the print media, while liberal teachers radicalize young students, we have reached a point at which a significant percentage of Baby Boomers and young people believe that the United States is an oppressive, imperialistic power that must give way to a world government controlled by the socialist international or the UN.
A typical statement of the new, radical left wing of liberal-progressive was in The Real SDS Stands Up, an article by Andrew Kopkind that appeared in the June 30, 1969, issue of Hard Times, a student radical publication. Mr. Kopkind wrote,
But the most significant ideological force with SDS was a group of 11 New York and Midwestern activists and intellectuals who had drawn up an analytical and programmatic thesis called, simply, “You Don’t Need a Weatherman to Know Which Way the Wind Blows” (the title is from Dylan…). “Weatherman” was a 16,000-word paper which made the first and crucial attempt at defining an ideology and a program for SDS…it was the first major overhaul SDS has had since the “Port Huron Statement” and “America and the New Era”
…the paper presented this argument: Opposition to US imperialism is the major international struggle today……Those who are leading the fight are the guerrillas of the Third World (principally, now, the Vietnamese and the Latin American guevaristas) and those of the “internal” black colony within the US…
That central idea implies several consequences. First, the black liberation movement in the US is the most important element of the whole process…Second, the way in which the various foreign and domestic colonies arrive at the revolutionary stage is through their own fights for “self-determination.”...Third, the youth movement did not spring full-blown from abstract idealism, but is a specific response to the black movement and the worldwide “war” against the American empire; it must now reach out of its middle-class origins to a base in the white working class and the permanent drop-out culture…Fourth, the several community “movements” should begin to think of themselves as cadres and collectives in the first stages of formation of a revolutionary political party.
From the same volume, Look At It: America 1969, which appeared first in New Left Notes, August 1969, amplifies on this outlook:
What’s new is that today not quite so many people are confused, and a lot more people are angry; angry about the fact that promises we have heard since first grade are all jive; angry that, when you get down to it, this system is nothing but total economic and military put-down of the oppressed peoples of the world. And more: it’s a system that steals the goods, the resources and the labor of poor and working people all over the world in order to fill the pockets and bank accounts of a tiny capitalist class. (Call it imperialism)...
No longer will we tolerate “law and order” backed up by soldiers in Vietnam, and pigs in the communities and the schools; a “law and order” that serves only the interests of those in power and tries to smash the people down whenever they rise up…
We are expressing total support for the National Liberation Front of South Vietnam…We moved from individual acts of moral protest – remember the spring before, the draft card burning had been considered the very limit of the Movement – to massive attacks on the centers of military power in this country. The Pentagon and the vast Oakland Induction Center were real; in Oakland the slogan changed from “:Hell No, We Won’t Go” to “HELL NO, NOBODY GOES.”
We had begun to realize that to stop the war we had to stop the United States government…Columbia transferred to a single campus the ideas of the Pentagon: Bring Home the War. We hit where it hurts. We had moved from individual protests to attacks on the centers of power, attacks on the home ground of the war machine.
Bill Ayers wrote in A Strategy To Win, appearing in New Left Notes of September 12, 1969,
...we’re going to bring the war home, we’re going to create class war in the streets and institutions of this country, and we’re going to make them pay a price…people have come to see the need to build collectives that can fight, the need to build collectives that are strong and tough, and in order to do that a lot of individualism has to be worked out of every one of us…we’re also going to make it clear that when a pig gets iced that’s a good thing, and that everyone who considers himself a revolutionary should be armed, should own a gun, should have a gun in his house.
We really are dealing with a matter of individual and national character. And character is formed by religion and the resulting societal paradigm of “doing the right thing.” Plato and Aristotle viewed it as lawgivers focusing upon the transcendental to understand true justice and then crafting laws that would orient people’s lives and the education of their children toward moral conduct and away from the sort of pragmatic philosophy (if a self-centered action gets what you want it is valid) advocated by liberal-progressives since the days of John Dewey.
What had been taking place in Athens as Plato and Aristotle looked back and endeavored to understand the degeneration of their city state is almost exactly paralleled in the moral degradation we in the United States have endured for the past forty years.
Since the 1960s, however, the lunatic fringe of liberal-progressivism (the student activists) have gradually won society to their views, as expressed by Weartherman leaders and Obama’s friends and advisors, Bill Ayers and Bernadine Dohrn. They and their Weatherman colleagues advocated abandoning the paradigm of family loyalty, plumping for loyalty only to the commune; they demanded that, if one did not already have a pistol, he had to acquire one, the aim being to “bring the war home and kill the pigs.”
Newtown is the fruit of liberal-progressive, self-centered hedonism and its effort to push everyone into the socialist cesspool.
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The View from 1776 presents a framework to understand present-day issues from the viewpoint of the colonists who fought for American independence in 1776 and wrote the Constitution in 1787. Knowing and preserving those understandings, what might be called the unwritten constitution of our nation, is vital to preserving constitutional government. Without them, the bare words of the Constitution are just a Rorschach ink-blot that politicians, educators, and judges can interpret to mean anything they wis